Tackling the divides
Northern Ireland has come a long way since the Good Friday Agreement in 1998 officially ended decades of violent conflict known as the Troubles. But beneath the surface, many deep divides remain, as the recent racist violence in Ballymena demonstrated. What is needed is real, systemic change, writes Naomi Green.
In Northern Ireland, communities are still largely separated by religion and identity. Protestant loyalist unionist and Catholic nationalist republican communities often continue to live apart, with over 90 per cent of public housing divided along ethno-religious lines. Segregated schooling, peace walls and interface zones still shape everyday life in many areas. Some of the most deprived parts of Northern Ireland face greater levels of poverty than during the conflict. Despite the peace process, paramilitary groups continue to exert informal control in public housing estates in some areas.
In June, the small town of Ballymena hit the headlines after two teenage boys from migrant backgrounds were charged with an alleged attempted rape. What started as a community vigil quickly spiralled out of control. Masked protestors hijacked the gathering and turned it into a violent, racist riot. Homes and businesses believed to belong to migrant families were attacked with petrol bombs and fireworks. Some houses were set on fire while people were inside. It was only thanks to the actions of the emergency services that no one died.
Similar protests and sporadic violence broke out in other towns and parts of Belfast. Echoing last summer’s racist violence in parts of England and Northern Ireland, social media added fuel to the fire. Long before facts emerged, conspiracy theories, hate-filled posts and personal information about migrant families were spreading online. Many of these came from far-right groups in the UK, some with links to local loyalist paramilitaries. Worryingly, many of the rioters were teenagers. The youngest person arrested was just 13.
While all politicians condemned the violence, some played a dangerous game, focusing on what they termed the ‘legitimate concerns’ of the rioters. This fuelled racist narratives targeting Muslims, Roma people and people seeking asylum, despite the fact that Mid and East Antrim, where most of the violence occurred, currently has no residents in asylum support.
Yes, Northern Ireland has serious problems: housing shortages, high living costs, crumbling services. But blaming migrants doesn’t solve any of these, it just distracts from the real issues: decades of neglect, ongoing division and a lack of political leadership.
‘Part of a larger, growing pattern’
On 20 June, a live pipe bomb was thrown into the Belfast Islamic Centre during evening prayers. Thankfully, no one was hurt. A bystander saw what was happening and stepped in, possibly saving lives. This attack has shocked many. But it’s also part of a larger, growing pattern. Minority ethnic groups make up only about 3–4 per cent of Northern Ireland’s population. Yet there have been over 24,000 reported race-hate incidents since 1996. Nearly 1,800 happened last year alone.
Despite the rising hate, Northern Ireland still doesn’t have standalone hate crime laws. Unlike the rest of the UK, hate crimes here are just seen as ‘aggravating factors’ in court, meaning judges can consider them when sentencing, but there’s no specific crime category for hate-motivated violence. Out of nearly 14,000 complaints in five years, only 12 cases led to tougher sentences.
A major review in 2020 by Judge Desmond Marrinan called for a complete overhaul of the hate crime system. But political chaos and sectarian division has blocked any real action. Northern Ireland’s racial equality strategy is also outdated, underfunded and lacking any real accountability. In 2024, independent reviewer Dr Sabir Zazai called out this dangerous leadership vacuum and warned that when trust breaks down, hate quickly moves in to fill the gap.
The events in Northern Ireland are not simply a regional issue. They are part of a broader UK trend in which inequality, disinformation and racial scapegoating converge. The critical question now is whether our institutions, communities and political leaders can respond swiftly and justly to racially charged incitement. The answer must go beyond public statements and media soundbites. What is needed is real, systemic change.
In Northern Ireland, this includes standalone hate crime legislation and an end to the paramilitary control of communities. Without decisive intervention, the fragile peace that followed the Troubles risks being replaced not by renewed sectarianism, but by something more diffuse and just as dangerous – a toxic mix of racial resentment, economic marginalisation and unchecked misinformation, often impacting minority communities with little political power or protection.
Across the UK, it also requires action against misinformation and disinformation, as well as significant investment in marginalised communities, particularly in areas that have long experienced economic hardship and social neglect. The warning signs are clear. The only question that remains is whether we are willing to act before it is too late.
Dr Naomi Green is a researcher, lecturer and community advocate whose PhD focused on Muslim integration in Northern Ireland. She is Policy and Public Affairs Officer at BIMA, former Chair of the Northern Ireland Council for Racial Equality (NICRE), Executive Member of the NI Interfaith Forum, and Assistant Secretary General of the Muslim Council of Britain.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Runnymede Trust.
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